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By H. Bengerd. University of North Carolina at Wilmington. 2018.

What separated these groups was in essence philosophical issues to do with the nature of medical knowledge purchase 200 mg ofloxacin visa, how it is arrived at and how it is justified discount 400mg ofloxacin amex. The precise chronological sequence of the various stages in this debate is difficult to reconstruct purchase ofloxacin 400 mg with mastercard, but the theoretical issues that were raised had a major impact on subsequent medical thinking order 400mg ofloxacin overnight delivery, especially on the great medical systems of late antiquity, namely Galen’s and Methodism. Galen is one of those authors who have been rediscovered by classicists and students of ancient philosophy alike, be it for his literary output, his mode of self-presentation and use of rhetoric, the picture he sketches of the intellectual, social and cultural milieus in which he works and of the traditions in which he puts himself, and the philosophical aspects of his thought – both his originality and his peculiar blends of Platonism, Hippocratism and Aristotelianism. Galen’s work, voluminous in size as well as in substance, represents a great synthesis of earlier thinking and at the same time a systematicity of enormous intellectual power, breadth and Introduction 29 versatility. In chapter 10, I shall consider Galen’s theoretical considerations about pharmacology, and in particular his views on the relationship between reason and experience. Although in the field of dietetics and pharmacology he is particularly indebted to the Empiricists, his highly original notion of ‘qualified experience’ represents a most fortunate combination of reason and experience; and one of Galen’s particular strengths is his flexibility in applying theoretical and experiential approaches to different domains within medical science and practice. Among Galen’s great rivals were the Methodists, a group of medical thinkers and practitioners that was founded in the first century bce but came to particular fruition in the first and second centuries ce, especially under their great leader Soranus. Although their approach to medicine was emphatically practical, empirical and therapy-oriented, their views present interesting philosophical aspects, for example in epistemology and in the as- sumption of some kind of corpuscular theory applied to the human body. Regrettably, most works written by the Methodists survive only in frag- ments, and much of the evidence is biased by the hostile filter of Galen’s perception and rhetorical presentation. Caelius has long been dismissed as an unoriginal author who simply translated the works of Soranus into Latin. However, recent scholarship has begun to appreciate Caelius’ originality and to examine his particular version of Methodism. This overlap not only concerned the ideas, concepts and method- ologies they entertained, but also the ways and forms in which they ex- pressed and communicated these ideas, the modalities of dissemination and persuasion, and the settings in which they had to work and present 32 For a collection of the fragments of the Methodists see now Tecusan (2004). I touch here on a further aspect in which the study of ancient medicine – and philosophy – has recently been contextualised, and in this case the impetus has come from a third area of research we need to consider briefly because of its particular relevance to the papers collected in this volume, namely the field of textual studies or, to use a more recent and specific term,‘discourse analysis’. One only needs to point to the twenty-two volumes of Kuhn’s¨ edition of the works of Galen or the ten tomes of Littre’s´ edition of the works of Hippocrates to realise that ancient medical literature has been remarkably well preserved, at least compared with many other areas of classical Greek and Latin literature. While much philological spade-work has been done to make these texts more accessible, especially in projects such as the Corpus Medicorum Graecorum or the Collection des Universites de France´ , many parts of this vast corpus of literature, to which newly discovered texts continue to be added, still await further investigation. There still is, of course, a great basic demand for textual studies, edi- tions, translations, commentaries and interpretative analyses – and in this respect, the triennial conferences on Greek and Latin medical texts have proved remarkably fruitful. Yet apart from this, there is an increasing in- terest being taken in medical, scientific and philosophical texts, not just because of their intellectual contents but also from the point of view of linguistics, literary studies, discourse analysis, narratology, ethnography of literature (orality and literacy), rhetoric and communication studies. This is related to a growing scholarly awareness of the communicative and com- petitive nature of Greek medicine and science. Greek doctors, philosophers, astronomers and mathematicians had to impress their audiences, to per- suade them of their competence and authority, to attract customers and to reassure them that they were much better off with them than with their rivals. Medical, scientific and philosophical texts functioned in a specific setting, with a particular audience and purpose, and served as vehicles not only for the transmission of ideas but also for the assertion of power and authority. These developments have given rise to a whole new field of studies and questions regarding the ways in which knowledge was expressed and com- municated in the ancient world: the modes of verbal expression, technical idioms, stylistic registers and literary genres that were available to people who laid a claim to knowledge (healers, scientists, philosophers) in order to convey their views to their fellows, colleagues and their wider audiences; the rhetorical strategies they employed in order to make their ideas intel- ligible, acceptable, or even fashionable; the circumstances in which they Introduction 31 had to present their ideas, and the audio-visual means (writing facilities, diagrams, opportunities for live demonstration) they had at their disposal; the interests and the expectations of their audiences, and the ways in which these influenced the actual form of their writings; and the respects in which ‘scientific’, or ‘technical’, or ‘expert’ language or ‘discourse’ differed from ‘ordinary’ and ‘literary’ language and ‘discourse’. After many years of considerable neglect, the last two decades have thus seen a significant increase in attention being given to the forms of ancient scientific writing, especially among students of the Hippocratic Corpus, but also, for example, on Latin medical literature, with some studies focusing on ‘strictly’ linguistic and textual characteristics, while others have attempted to relate such characteristics to the wider context in which the texts were produced. First, general trends in the study of rhetoric and discourse analysis, in particular the study of ‘non-literary’ texts such as advertisements, legal proceedings, minutes of meetings, political pamphlets and medical reports, the study of rhetoric and persuasive strategies in apparently ‘neutral’ scien- tific writings, and the development of genre categories based on function rather than form have led to a growing awareness among classicists that even such seemingly ‘unartistic’, non-presumptuous prose writings as the extant works of Aristotle, the Elements of Euclid and the ‘notebook-like’ Hippocratic Epidemics do have a structure which deserves to be studied in its own right, if only because they have set certain standards for the emergence and the subsequent development of the genre of the scientific treatise (‘tractatus’) in Western literature. It is clear, for example, to any student of Aristotle that, however impersonal the tone of his works may be and however careless the structure of his argument may appear, his writings nonetheless contain a hidden but undeniable rhetoric aimed at making the reader agree with his conclusions, for example in the subtle balance be- tween confident explanation and seemingly genuine uncertainty, resulting in a careful alternation of dogmatic statements and exploratory suggestions. The study of these formal characteristics has further been enriched by a growing appreciation of the role of non-literal, or even non-verbal as- pects of communication (and conversely, the non-communicative aspects of language). Aesthetics of reception, ethnography of literature and studies in orality and literacy have enhanced our awareness of the importance of 34 For more detailed discussion and bibliographical references see van der Eijk (1997), from which the following paragraphs are excerpted. Here, again, discourse studies and ethnogra- phy of literature have provided useful instruments of research, for example D. Hymes’ analysis of the ‘speech event’ into a number of components that can, not without some irony, be listed according to the initial letters of the word speaking: setting (time, place, and other circumstances), scene (e. A recent German collection of articles on ‘Wissensvermittlung’ (‘transmission of knowledge’) in the ancient world gives an impression of the kind of questions and answers envisaged from such an integrated approach. At this point, a most fortunate connection can be perceived between linguistically inspired approaches within classical philology and the recent surge of a ‘contextual’ approach in the history of science, whereby the text is seen as an instrument for scientists and practising doctors to use to define 35 Hymes (1972) 58ff.

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For these reasons order ofloxacin 400mg with amex, for instance purchase ofloxacin 200mg line, the brain (¾ –gk”f- alov) is not mentioned in chapter 18 purchase ofloxacin 200 mg free shipping, although the writer had stated ear- lier (3 400 mg ofloxacin overnight delivery. But in the author’s view all diseases are both divine and human: the explanandum is not that all diseases are human, but in what sense all diseases are divine as well. Among the ‘human’ factors determining the disease we should probably also reckon the individual’s constitution (phlegmatic or choleric: 2. A difficulty of this view is that not all of these factors seem to be accessible to human control or even influence, so that this connotation of anthropinos¯ seems hardly applicable here. Yet perhaps another association of the opposition theios– anthropinos¯ has prompted the author to use it here, namely the contrast ‘universal–particular’, which also seems to govern the use of theios in the Hippocratic treatise On the Nature of the Woman. Firstly, the meaning of the word phusis and the reason for mentioning it in all three passages remains unclear. If, as is generally supposed,20 phusis and prophasis are related to each other in that phusis is the abstract concept and prophasis the concrete causing factor (prophasies being the concrete constituents of the phusis of a disease), then the mention of the word phusis does not suffice to explain the sense in which the disease is to be taken as divine, for the nature of a disease is constituted by human factors as well. It is the fact that some of the constituents of the nature of the disease are themselves divine which determines the divine character of the disease. Secondly, in the sentence ‘it derives its divinity from the same source from which all the others do’ (2. I refrain from a systematic discussion of the concept of the divine in other Hippocratic writings, partly for reasons of space but also because such a discussion would have to be based on close analysis of each of these writings rather than a superficial comparison with other texts. Besides, it is unnecessary or even undesirable to strive to harmonise the doctrines of the various treatises in the heterogeneous collection which the Hippocratic Corpus represents, and it is dangerous to use the theological doctrine of one treatise (e. For general discussions see Thivel (1975); Kudlien (1974); and Norenberg (¨ 1968) 77–86. On the Sacred Disease 53 Âtou kaª t‡ Šlla p†nta), we have to suppose, on this interpretation, that when writing ‘the same source’ (toÓ aÉtoÓ) the author means the climatic factors, whose influence is explained later on in the text (see above) and whose divine character is not stated before the final chapter. Now if a writer says: ‘this disease owes its divine character to the same thing to which all other diseases owe their divine character’, it is rather unsatisfactory to suppose that the reader has to wait for an answer to the question of what this ‘same thing’ is until the end of the treatise. This need not be a serious objection against this interpretation, but it would no doubt be preferable to be able to find the referent of toÓ aÉtoÓ in the immediate context. Thirdly, this interpretation requires that in the sentence ‘from the things that come and go away, and from cold and sun and winds that change and never rest’ (18. In a sequence of four occurrences of kai this is a little awkward, since there is no textual indication for taking the second kai in a different sense from the others. Yet perhaps one could argue that this is indicated by the shift from plural to singular without article, and by the fact that the expression ‘the things that come and those that go away’ is itself quite general: it may denote everything which approaches the human body and everything which leaves it, such as food, water or air, as well as everything the body excretes. Il caracterise d’une part ce qui entre` ´ dans le corps et ce qui en sort, c’est a dire l’air et les aliments, d’autre part le froid, le soleil, les vents,` bref, les conditions climatiques et atmospheriques; c’est donc la nature entiere, consideree comme´ ` ´ ´ une realite materielle qui est proclamee divine. Lloyd reminds me, it could be argued that the divinity of air, water and food need not be surprising in the light of the associations of bread with Demeter, and wine with Dionysus (cf. But even if these associations apply here (which is not confirmed by any textual evidence), the unlikelihood of the divinity of the ‘things that go out of the body’ (t‡ ˆpi»nta) remains. First, in the sentence ‘these things are divine’, it indicates an essential characteristic of the things mentioned, but in the following sentence it is attributed to the disease in virtue of the disease’s being related to divine factors. This need not be a problem, since theios in itself can be used in both ways; but it seems unlikely that in this text, in which the sense in which epilepsy may be called ‘divine’ is one of the central issues, the author permits himself such a shift without explicitly marking it. The point of this ‘derived divinity’ becomes even more striking as the role assigned to the factors mentioned here is, to be sure, not negligible but not very dominant either. Admittedly, the influence of winds is noted repeatedly and discussed at length (cf. This may also help us to understand the use of the word prophasis here; for if the writer of On the Sacred Disease adheres to a distinction between prophasis and aitios, with prophasis playing only the part of an external catalyst producing change within the body (in this case particularly in the brain),24 this usage corresponds to the subordinated part which these factors play in this disease. Then the statement about the divine character of the disease acquires an almost depreciatory note: the disease is divine only to the extent that climatic factors play a certain, if a modest part in 23 13. But the whole question, especially the meaning of prophasis, is highly controversial. Norenberg (¨ 1968), discussing the views of Deichgraber (¨ 1933c) and Weidauer (1954), rejects this distinction on the ground that, if prophasis had this restricted meaning, then ‘durfte der Verfasser bei seiner aufklarerischen Ab-¨ ¨ sicht und wissenschaftlichen Systematik gerade nicht so viel Gewicht auf die prophasies legen, sondern er musste¨ vielmehr von den “eigentlichen” aitiai sprechen’ (67).

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